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Japan

Innovative uses of cars and new ways of getting around

Title Original Language: 
Usages novateurs de la voiture et nouvelles mobilités
Abstract Original Language: 
Ce travail se donne pour objectif d’explorer de nouvelles voies d’interprétation de l’émergence et de la transition des transports contemporains vers les nouveaux services de mobilité automobile. Aujourd’hui, les « nouvelles mobilités » font, en effet, figure de « nouvelle frontière » pour une partie du monde politique et intellectuel. Elles sont parées des vertus supposées d’une « croissance verte » qui redonnerait l’avantage aux pays et territoires mis à mal par la mondialisation et ses effets désindustrialisant. Ces nouvelles mobilités permettraient, selon cette croyance, de tourner le dos à un XXe siècle où l’on aurait confondu le progrès avec la croissance infinie d’une production industrielle aussi polluante qu’aliénante pour les consommateurs comme pour les travailleurs. Dans le programme politique qu’elles sous-entendent, ces nouvelles formes de mobilité engageraient les individus à réfléchir de manière plus collective et entrepreneuriale. Elles permettraient de créer de nouveaux besoins et de nouveaux profits dans la droite ligne des grandes thématiques contemporaines que sont le
numérique et l’écologie. Symbole d’une vision « high-tech » de l’écologie, ces nouvelles formes de mobilités tendent à se constituer comme un nouveau paradigme de l’automobile. Celui-ci serait appelé à structurer de nouveaux écosystèmes d’affaires qui permettraient d’amorcer une transition vers « le futur ». Aujourd’hui, on attribue bien volontiers à l’industrie automobile, à ses usines et à ses acteurs, les caractéristiques d’une économie vieillissante et conservatrice, incapable de se recomposer et d’adhérer à ce « nouveau paradigme ». Dans la vision positiviste dominante, l’industrie automobile est d’emblée condamnée. Elle représente une vision passéiste de l’économie et de la société, avec laquelle il est politiquement de plus en plus difficile de s’imposer.

L’idée que nous défendons dans ce rapport est que l’on peut entrevoir la dynamique des nouvelles mobilités et des nouveaux services automobiles à travers un prisme « industrialiste » et écologique, c'est-à-dire, comme un moyen de répondre aux impératifs sociaux et environnementaux auxquels est confrontée la société française ainsi que son industrie. En effet, nous pensons que, plutôt que d’opposer un « ancien » et un « nouveau monde » des mobilités automobiles, il est aujourd’hui indispensable d’identifier et de développer des « ponts » entre l’industrie automobile et les nouveaux services de mobilité aujourd’hui en pleine expansion.

Ce rapport propose d’évaluer les potentialités d’une telle hypothèse et d’identifier des voies de transition vers une massification des nouveaux usages automobiles.
Original Language: 
Date of Editorial Board meeting: 
Publication date: 
Wednesday, February 1, 2017
Abstract in English: 
Usage rather than ownership of vehicles is driving the expansion of car sharing and carpooling, among other new uses. Driven by the digital revolution, these new services are expected to radically transform how we get around, and will change the relationship between the various stakeholders – both newcomers and long-standing players – that contribute to its implementation.

This forward-looking analysis uses a variety of scenarios to examine the economic and environmental gains if such services expand and gain traction across the country. Such a shift would mean an optimised fleet of automobiles that are used more intensively and renewed more often. The study's recommendations call for expanded synergies between stakeholders, with possible public-sector support.

The methodology used, the results obtained and the recommendations are the sole responsibility of the authors of the study, and do not represent the views of the Pipame, the DGE or the other sponsors.
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Number of pages: 
269
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A “Great Wall of Sand” in the South China Sea?

Date of Editorial Board meeting: 
Publication date: 
Friday, July 8, 2016
Abstract in English: 
China has set new records in the ways, means and speed with which it has expanded its outposts in the South China Sea. Neighbouring states such as Vietnam have also extended their bases on small islands and reefs, but they have done so over many years and not within a few months. The total surface area created by China has been ironically dubbed “The Great Wall of Sand” by the commander of the US Pacific Fleet. Despite Beijing’s claims to the contrary, the expansions signal an emerging militarisation of the South China Sea, whose plentiful resources and energy deposits have long been viewed as potential causes of conflicts.

The South China Sea is currently one of the world’s most contentious zones. But the situation risks becoming even worse, despite the fact that all of the region’s states depend on stable and secure sea lines of communication. At its core, this is a regional conflict about sea routes, territorial claims and resources that primarily involves ASEAN states and China. Nevertheless, it also has global repercussions. First, it concerns a “superhighway of the sea”, on which almost a third of the world’s sea trade is transported. Any impediment to the shipping traffic would have a direct impact on world trade in general but also particularly on Japan and South Korea. Second, the South China Sea is closely connected to the rivalry between Bejing and Washington because important allies and partners of the US are involved in the dispute about China’s territorial claims. Third, it is a conflict about international norms and laws that calls into question a fundamental principle of the liberal world order: “freedom of the seas” versus exclusive maritime zones. This study addresses the main reasons, the development and the implications of the island dispute as well as ways of containing it both regionally and internationally.
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25
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The Future of Capitalist Democracy UK–Japan Perspectives

Date of Editorial Board meeting: 
Publication date: 
Monday, February 1, 2016
Abstract in English: 
Domestic political backlashes against inequality, corporate malfeasance and the stagnation of real incomes over the past decade are being reinforced by uncertainties about the durability of the post-Cold War international order. Russia’s military intervention in Ukraine, China’s strategic and territorial claims in the South China and East China seas, the rise of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and the Syrian civil war, the migrant crisis affecting Europe and the Mediterranean, and evolving threats to cyber security – all constitute serious challenges to the rules of the global game.
A natural, and perhaps inevitable, question that emerges in the light of such concerns is: ‘How can the United Kingdom and Japan work together to deal with these issues?’ This, however, is a question more appealing to diplomats than to scholars or journalists. We are sceptical about the idea that bilateral cooperation can play a significant role in these matters, even if we are not at all opposed to it. Rather, we feel – and our feeling was confirmed by the September discussions – that what is most valuable is to enhance British and Japanese awareness and understanding of each other’s perspectives and, in particular, of the differences in emphasis or priority seen in the two countries, and thereby to help each other promote solutions more effectively in multilateral forums.
This essay aims to contribute to that process. There is plainly a great deal of overlap and agreement between Japan and the UK on many issues. There is always a lot that each country can learn from the other. But it is in the differences – whether of perspective, of experience or of emphasis – that the most important learnings lie. This essay will therefore explore differences more zealously than it seeks similarities.
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30
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Surging Liquefied Natural Gas Trade

Date of Editorial Board meeting: 
Publication date: 
Wednesday, January 20, 2016
Abstract in English: 
A surge in new supplies of liquefied natural gas (LNG) is about to hit the global market over the next several years. LNG export projects already under construction worldwide will add up to 175 billion cubic meters (bcm) of LNG capacity by 2020, mainly from Australia and the United States, and additional projects will move ahead as developers line up more customers.
The rise in LNG supplies will encounter substantially lower gas prices than in recent years and a slowdown in global gas demand, raising questions about the economics of LNG projects. For US exporters, liquefaction and tanker transport will add about $5.30 per million British thermal units (mbtu) in costs for LNG sent to Japan. The cost is similar to liquefy, transport, and regasify LNG sent to Europe, where the cost of regasifying LNG needs to be included to compare its price with pipeline gas.1 With average prices for LNG falling below $8 per mbtu in Japan and even lower in Europe, there is little margin for profit even with Henry Hub prices currently at about $2.40 per mbtu.2 However, LNG exporters are likely to continue selling as long as their variable costs can be covered.
For US exporters, the outlook is more favorable for companies who have concluded a final investment decision to go ahead with an LNG export project. Most of these projects are under construction and have much of their planned output already contracted to sell over twenty years. Most of the US sales will not begin until after the next two years, when demand may be stronger.
The majority of Australia’s projects will already be up and running by 2018 and therefore pose less competition for US exporters seeking to acquire new LNG customers. US projects are also ahead of proposed projects offshore East Africa and in the Eastern Mediterranean, which may not come online until after 2020.
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28
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Japan's Security Role and Capabilities in the 2020s

Date of Editorial Board meeting: 
Publication date: 
Friday, November 13, 2015
Abstract in English: 
Security challenges in East Asia are becoming acute. North Korea is developing a missile-deliverable nuclear weapon, and the long-term stability of the Pyongyang regime is questionable. Taiwan, which Beijing claims as part of Chinese territory, is about to have a presidential election in which a candidate from a pro-independence party is the front-runner. China has also become increasingly assertive in its territorial disputes with Japan and several Southeast Asian countries. Meanwhile, Japan's leaders are attempting to redefine the role Japan plays in regional security affairs. Indeed, Japan's legislature recently enacted revisions to the country's national security laws that would loosen limitations on the use of Japan's armed forces, and the government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has pledged to increase defense spending
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Number of pages: 
40
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China’s Military and the U.S.-Japan Alliance in 2030: A Strategic Net Assessment

Date of Editorial Board meeting: 
Publication date: 
Friday, May 3, 2013
Abstract in English: 
The emergence of the People’s Republic of China as an increasingly significant military power in the Western Pacific presents major implications for Japan, the U.S.-Japan alliance, and regional security. But a comprehensive assessment of the current and possible future impact of China’s military capabilities and foreign security policies on Tokyo and the alliance, along with a detailed examination of the capacity and willingness of both the United States and Japan to respond to this challenge, is missing from the current debate. Such an analysis is essential for Washington and Tokyo to better evaluate the best approaches for maintaining deterrence credibility and regional stability over the long term.
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Number of pages: 
424
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Japan 2035: Leading the World through Health

Date of Editorial Board meeting: 
Publication date: 
Monday, June 15, 2015
Abstract in English: 
2035 Japan brings growing health care needs, shifting social environments and values, increasing inequity, and globalization that require a health care system reformed to reflect shared vision and values. Relying on financial adjustments to maintain the current system will no longer suffice.
Based on the recommendations presented here, the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare should construct implementation means, engage the public in discussion, and take steadfast action on immediately feasible measures.
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Number of pages: 
8
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